Media activism – pros and contra

In contemporary India the media, both print and especially the television media with so many 24x7 news channels, are often found playing a rather active, sometimes bordering on aggressive role. Gone are the days when news casting was this staid objective reporting of news stories, description about an event that has taken place or one about to unfold such as a sports tournament, about government policies, laws being legislated, or information about the success or failure in implementing those that have already been enacted. The news reporting has become interpretive, pretending to be an analysis of what has happened or is likely to happen, who the main dramatis personae are in this news-as-unfolding-drama on the national stage, what their motivations are and what social and political forces their actions represent. The news watchers have often been told on many such channels about their programmes being ones that are supposed to take the viewers behind and beyond the bare bone news stories. They are enlightened by background information, helped along with analytical sounding presumptions, hypotheses, to understand, or as they say, make sense of the stories. A question often being raised and debated within the media itself is what to make of such an activist trend and whether it is good or bad. 

It is probably undeniable that during the last few decades (especially since India’s open espousal of the liberalized economic policies during early 1990s) there has been an impetus to the ongoing modernization and the media has been both an active agent for democratization of Indian society, bridging the distances and breaching many social barriers and in the process is itself transformed in radical ways. Increasing media activism is a reflection of the social activism growing over the last several years among sections of Indian Middle classes who are growing in importance within the Indian polity.

News media by way of informing empower people. Increasingly media is taking on the role of an interlocutor (if not an interrogator) on behalf of the people in ‘asking questions’ to and ‘getting straight answers’ from those in charge of governance, others involved in political actions and maneuvering, holding and acting on ideological positions, reformers and renegades, evangelists of progress and modernity on one side and bulwarks of tradition and conservatism on the other). One is reminded of the rhetorical flourish in the way the popular anchors of the TV channels would often like to preface their news analysis: Tonight the Nation wants to know.

Technology today has enabled people, especially in urban and semi-urban areas of the country most exposed to the television and the print media, not just to consume news as readers, listeners and viewers but also to participate in its analysis and dissemination by way of interactions between the news broadcasters and the TV audience, phone-ins with and setting up questions for the anchors and expert panelists at the TV studios, apart from the readers’ response surveys and feed back columns (not to forget the traditional letters to editors) in their print versions.

An important part of this media initiated democratization is an apparent bridging the gap between the patricians and the plebeians, the high and mighty on one side and the lowly proverbial ‘common man’ on the other in the discussion arenas (e.g. TV studios) characterized by an ambience of irreverence. Any body can ask any critical or damaging questions of any body else, cross swords with and lampoon the rich and the powerful and tear down the carefully cultivated façade of lies and hypocrisy built by them over the years to hold down the masses of voiceless people. Class conscious niceties, need for decorum, maintaining a pecking order and orderliness are often dispensed with in no-these holds-barred shrill debates.

A clear danger associated with the inquisition format of much of the television debates is that media (and the consuming public whetted by it) is increasingly displaying a Madame Defarge like tendency, reveling in the downfall of and stridently baying for blood of the high and mighty in the society, the celebrities. Notice the hectoring style being adopted by many television anchors where they ask tendentious leading questions to trap selected participants and extract ‘confessions’. So much so that some people have called these debates/discussions trial by media.

Some people have also discerned a newfound urge for vigilantism in the zeal of the media in indulging in investigative journalism to buttress the generally held opinion on corruption cases involving big politicians and bureaucrat, conducting unorthodox ‘STING’ operations, making disclosures based on unidentified ‘sources’ and ‘leaks’ from those (whistle blowers) who are  sometimes part of the government administration. There is insufficient attention on the part of the media to balance people’s right to know vis-à-vis possible defamation of presumed wrongdoers in government, politics and business.

There is also a set of inescapable follow up questions. Is media becoming a parallel center of power not just by occupying a moral high ground seeking ‘truth’, but also because of the financial muscles of some media houses sustained independently of the government largesse, acting/operating outside the pale of government? This supra-government positioning of the media may appear to be beneficial for keeping a watch on the government, which is increasingly appearing to become non-transparent and unaccountable to very people who elect them. This kind of outsider vigilante view of the old style, ‘corrupt’, inept democratic polity is popular with the vocal urban middle class elites

But who is the media accountable to? Is their truth seeking completely value free? Are the big media companies not mixing commerce with conscientiousness? Can the media be a threat and cause destabilization of the other organs or pillars of democracy? These are questions that can not be unequivocally answered.

        

Comments on the recent article “India’s middle class awakes” by Pavan Varma

Pavan Varma, an author and former diplomat, and currently an adviser to the Chief minister of Bihar, has recently written an OP-ED article in Times of India (23^rd November, 2013). Interestingly the article has made several points about the growth in importance of the middle classes in the Indian society and polity, which are almost the same or similar to those I made in my post “Rise of the middle India” (February 2013) appearing in this blog.

For instance, he notes, like us, the growing participation of the middle class in the massive public protests in the national capital on a number of issues, such as, miscarriage of justice (e.g. Jessica Lal murder case), corruption in public sphere (most notably during the Anna Hazare agitation), and more recently in a remarkable display of the public anger about the government’s insensitivity and callousness in respect of the Nirbhaya case which was symptomatic of a larger malaise. Clearly there has been a noticeable coalescence of public disaffectation with the way our democracy is being conducted. Varma, however, has not mentioned the three or four other factors (which we felt were equally important for the emergence of the middle class) like the stellar role of the news and the television media in communicating the true facts and vital details of the criminal and the corruption cases; government’s various acts of commission and omission and the people’s fights against this malfeasance through an effective use by the activists of the newly enacted RTI law; a proactive CAG (Comptroller and Auditor General of India) which is Government’s own audit watchdog and the law courts, and last but not the least, the emergence of the social media.

Varma has noted quite correctly that the middle class has gradually come to acquire even a numerical significance, a sort of ‘critical mass’, that it had earlier lacked and in some broad sense has also a India-wide homogeneity in tastes and aspirations. And as we suggested in our own post, the political parties today might find it no longer expedient to ignore this class. We also believe that it would be better to describe the confluence of various social groups and economic categories, as underlined in Varma’s article in terms of a range of earnings, as the middle ‘classes’ rather than an abstract conceptual category such as ‘middle class’.

The point of departure in Varma’s article is the weaknesses he finds within this emerging ‘political class’ and the lacuna it has displayed in its disparate protests and agitation movements and its apparent lack of political vision to provide an alternative to the objectives of and the ways and means adopted by the two main political formations, Congress- and BJP-centered coalition of political parties. He talks about their organizational weakness, lack of pan India presence as an organized force and leadership, apparent inability to go beyond pointing fingers at the multitude of scams and follies indulged by main political parties and not coming out with strong alternative policy options on a national scale. Presumably, Varma does not think much of the newly launched Aam Admi Party and its imminent political initiation by fire in the upcoming elections for the New Delhi assembly early December, 2013.

Varma fears that in absence of a well-articulated set of policy blue prints of national scope and significance, wider coverage of issues other than just a principled stand on corruption, the middle classes and their newer political representatives might not appear as effective to the electorate and fair badly in the elections. On the other hand unscrupulous political parties might use the anger of the middle classes about mis-governance or the governance deficit (lack of goods and services and the economic development the governments are expected to deliver) and manipulate their emotion to their advantage by subsuming and co-opting sections of the middle classes and winning them over to their partisan and disastrous self-centered and sometimes autocratic or fascistic policies.  

I think one can broadly agree with Varma’s reservations about the further and more important political role of the middle classes. It is true that while they (if you take the Aam Admi Party as representing them) now have waded into overt political action (like fighting elections) these representatives should probably avoid the simplistic reductionism entailing all economic, political, social issues facing the people of this country to the fountainhead of corruption. They must also make their position clear about the form of capitalist economic development model that the present ruling political parties are committed to and have a good support base among the elite and even sections of the middle classes. Many would argue that some of the major cases of corruption in high places arise out of the crony capitalism and because the kind of unregulated greed of a section of the impatient entrepreneurs is taken to be synonymous with the new aspirational ethos believed to be sweeping India during these past two decades. Since also much of India’s recent economic progress has come about after aligning the country gradually, probably inexorably, with the international trade policies (and quite a few dogmas), and relying on a sizable infusion of foreign capital and much of the domestic economic policies today have to be in consonance with the pulls and pushes generated at the behest of the big global power blocks (like US, European Union, etc) a clear-sighted foreign policy enunciation, that is neither subservient to these blocks nor totally isolationist like in the past, would be a prerequisite for a matured political formation that aspires to rule India. Coming months (or even years) will show if the middle classes have acquired that maturity.  



Narendra Modi’s grip on the electoral arithmetic in Gujarat

Despite strong public opinion prevailing in other parts of the country, successive elections to the Gujarat assembly in 2007 and 2012 were handsomely won by Narendra Modi. Not just critical opinion, there seems to be quite a lot of documentary evidence of the not-so-great performance of Gujarat over the years in terms of the human development, government policies openly favouring the rich and the very rich businessmen and industry groups flouting normal fiscal prudence and administrative norms (running up sizable fiscal debt), the widening of the urban-rural divide, government doing everything to delay and deny justice to the 2002 riot affected and displaced Muslims apart from the official insensitivity towards them and neglect of their rehabilitation needs. Despite all these facts, many of which the congress party brandished as the part of their propaganda at various times before the 2012 elections, 48% of the valid vote polled went in favour of BJP (and in Gujarat the party does not mean anything without Modi), with Congress polling about 39%.

The Muslims constitute only about 9% of the population of the state. For the sake of a simplified analysis, even if Muslims vote enblock against him that hardly affects Modi electorally, as long as he could garner the majority of the remaining votes on the supposed strength of economic development of the state, apparent priority accorded by the government to business and industry (which goes well with the traditional Gujarati ethos), well developed urban infrastructure, good availability of electricity and electronic connectivity, etc. From the reports critical to NaMo and his policies and programs, it may appear that Gujarati society is after all not monolithic and his actions did affect sections of the population in negative ways, especially the poor and the marginalized and those inhabiting the rural Gujarat. Do the voting percentages and patterns in different parts of the State, the regions and the districts demonstrate the disenchantment of these sections? Only a detailed statistical analysis of the poll data can establish that or refute the hypothesis.

Since the voting patterns in 2012 election show a fairly complete polarization between those for and against NaMo (all other parties in the opposition neither significant in gathering votes nor seats) obviously there is a fairly clear divide in the state – it remains, however, to be demonstrated as to whether this divide is indeed between those apparently benefiting from the stress Modi placed on the economic development  (coinciding with the benefits visible in the urban and semi-urban areas of the state) and others being denied of the same. That BJP won comprehensively in the urban areas, cities in particular, is beyond dispute as shown by statistics. But the party also appeared to have got majority of seats – if not greater vote percentage- in most of the 5 major regions of the state.

The 8-9% difference between the BJP and the Congress votes during the last election is too large to have happened without a benefit that accrued to Modi on the back of the perception of a development dividend delivered. There are some indications of the role played by the so-called neo-middle classes of the Gujarati society in this election. There is a sizable section of the population from the poorer classes of the rural areas forced to migrate to urban and semi-urban areas as a result of economic difficulties and backwardness. It is quite possible that they have been attracted by the promise of an economic revival of their fate in the wake of the development ‘magic’ they are consuming as new entrants of the burgeoning middle classes in the cities and urban clusters of Gujarat. And for them the perception is that entrepreneurial ethic is getting the desired attention and support from the government. And naturally they became the latest vote bank for Modi.

Lastly, the recent delimitation of the assembly constituencies may also have played a role in tilting the electoral balance by way of redistributing the purely rural areas and combining them with relatively more urban areas and generating a new constituency with both urban and rural category of voters. This again needs more detailed examination provided relevant statistics are available.

Hope to revisit Modi’s magic formula for wining elections and how it could impact countrywide if at all some other time.



Tsunami of public opinion and the response of the marooned political class

The political class in this country has always moulded the public opinion and is used to commandeering it by (dividing them into religion or caste-based communities,) appealing to raw and the basest and the most archaic instincts of people and historical schisms between communities in terms of their caste, cultural and religious identities. Lack of information, education and enlightenment among the people in broad swaths of the country which foster superstition, outdated outlook and conservatism came in handy in perpetuating this hegemony. And in this they have always had implicit support of the ruling classes, the economically rich and powerful, both in the cities and villages.

But the development breakthrough brought in by the emerging capitalism in India since the 1990s through the policies of liberalization has changed this force field. India is changing with growing aspirational urban middle classes, whose ranks are slowly but surely being swelled with new entrants from poorer and historically and socially backward classes. Ironically, this is helped by the affirmative policies embraced by successive governments and that of positive discrimination that is the staple of the serial political drama played out by the political class for the last three decades. With the growth in the urbanization, education, enterprise, exposure to international standards through television and mobile telephony (probably two major drivers of demands for consumer products that indirectly helped economic growth) came the need for information. At least urban Indians (especially those in semi-urban, tier-2 or tier-3 cities and towns) - and their numbers are no longer miniscule or could be safely ignored in political calculations - are getting to know about the products, standard of life, standard of services available in the most developed and metropolitan cities of the country. They are also getting informed how the best of capitalism is brought out in the first rate cities in the first world countries by harnessing it through intelligent and efficient regulation and steadfastly following the rule of law. 

This underlies the importance and increasing role of the media (especially the electronic version) in highlighting the deficiencies, inequities, unreasonableness in our political system and amplifying the popular impatience about the status quo sought to be maintained by the establishment – the government bureaucracy and the political class – and delays in redressal of the public grievances.

There is also the new technological developments in internet based communication and dissemination (social media platforms, blogosphere) that has made this tide of anti-political class sentiment due to its speed and extent of spread – through spontaneous articulation, repetition, recycling, resonance, lack of a command structure, runaway unpredictability – resemble a tsunami, that of public opinion (something the political class has not yet learnt to commandeer to its selfish goals).

It is in the light of the above that we could analyse what might appear as a beginning of a rethinking by the political class on the bill and later the ordinance to retain the lifeline available in the existing Representation of the People Act (RPA), proposed to be snatched by the Supreme Court in its July judgment, to the convicted members of the parliament and the assemblies. Is this a belated recognition of the strength of public opinion against the criminalisation of politics? It is difficult to be sure, though. Indications are there about the political parties individually readjusting their public posturing, especially keeping in view the imminent need to face the electorates for the assembly elections in four states during the end of this year and for the big parliament election early next year. 

It was the Congress party that actually took the lead through an all-party meeting to reach a consensus about bringing about a bill in the Parliament making the requisite changes in the Representation of the People Act (RPA) so that the elected representatives can continue to hold their position despite conviction, with some marginal restrictions. Practically every party, including the BJP, supported the move. But somehow between that meeting and the actual debate in the Parliament when the bill was introduced, the principal opposition party and also smaller parties like BJD, CPI etc, were smart enough to sense the public mood (to be more accurate the mood of the articulate and educated middle classes) and opposed the bill brought by the ruling party. When at the end of an acrimonious day of debate the bill was referred to the standing committee, it was clear that the political class bought some time for themselves.

Pressures from the parties supporting the UPA, like the SP and RJD, whose leader Lalu Yadav was looking at the spectre of disqualification as MP after his possible conviction in the fodder scam case, partly forced the hand for Congress. There was also this arrogance of power, feeling of hurt among some cabinet ministers who pride themselves as the legal eagles being forced to bite dust on their own legislative turf. One found a determined government pushing the so-called Congress Core group into resolving to bring the law by the backdoor of an ordinance to be regularized later in the parliament’s winter session.

The response of the BJP was crafted on the basis of their cynical estimate that their current losses, if any, due to the application of the new legal provision, would be more than made up by cornering the Congress in the forthcoming assembly elections later this year if they can get on to the right side of the enormously negative public opinion about the ordinance. They went to town crying hoarse (including protesting to the President) about the Congress party’s mala fide intentions in pushing the bill as an ordinance and parading their own consistent stand opposing the bill since the parliament debate.

Congress party’s own prevarication was finally ended when they realized firstly that persuading the President, if not about the legality but the morality of the ‘criminal’ ordinance, would not be a cakewalk. Secondly in some quarters of the party, especially its youth enclaves, the realization had set in that pushing through this ordinance would alienate the party from the young India of the social media, the new voters, aspiring among other things a better definition and practice of the rule of law. Certainly they were loath to loose the game to the opposition even before it began.

Thus the two main political parties, though not voluntarily, showed for once a remarkable alacrity in deferring to the undercurrent of a progressive public opinion in favour of a more lawful political space where the electoral exercise might aspire to become cleaner and fairer. If this trend can be sustained it will certainly be good for our democracy.



Rationalizing negative and evil deeds of fellow-men



It is perhaps not too difficult to notice a common enough tendency today in many of us in India to rationalize (if not exactly justify) certain obviously negative traits in people around us, our friends, enemies and those in between. This is done sometimes apparently with a detachment befitting a disinterested observer, although the emotional underpinning of the analysis is not always easy to hide. It is as if people do not anymore expect other people to behave in an ethically correct and consistent manner and most of them are more likely to be in breach of a moral code our elders so painstakingly tried to instill in us during childhood (and in turn us reprising the same futile effort vis-à-vis our children) in schools, at home, in the community and so forth than to adhere to these. With every passing generation the hold of the norm having become less constraining, aberrations stop raising eyebrows.

Thus we are not surprised to find airplane passengers, apparently educated, civilized and smartly turned out people like you and me trying to move ahead towards the exit through the aisle within the aircraft jostling and pushing fellow passengers, elbowing them or trampling their feet with oversized bags brought down from the hastily opened overhead luggage hold against express appeal from the cabin crew for greater patience and sensitivity for ‘others’. We hardly expect motorists on partially waterlogged and pot-holed city roads during the rainy season to drive with moderate speed so as not to endanger lives of drivers of other vehicles (and even their own) let alone try and avoid splashing people who could not avoid walking down the footpath with dirty muddy water. We have rather learned to expect a biker or an auto-rikshaw driver to come to grief if by a slight error of judgment his vehicle so much as touches the glistening posh (possibly imported at a great cost) ‘CAAR’ (just not a car you know, remember the ad on the TV!). An actual scratch can easily lead to a case of ‘involuntary manslaughter’ (or ‘culpable homicide not amounting to murder’), with bear bottles, baseball bats, pistols and such handy weaponry stocked in the CAAR giving fullest expression to the great Indian ‘Road Rage’. 

When women are molested while negotiating our crowded public mass transport system, or are abducted and gang raped with impunity day in and day out, we as onlookers or readers or viewers of such news stories feel dismayed or even outraged. But at heart of hearts many of us are convinced that it is perhaps difficult to control this primeval male proclivity and hence it is hard to wish it away, particularly in view of the unavoidable proximity and visibility of so many women, in modern urban and semi-urban settings, everywhere in public all day long and even during late evenings and sometimes even later. We do not believe it is feasible to teach our sons to behave and not stalk, bully, molest, disfigure women, to learn to take no for an answer. But asking our daughters to follow stricter dress code, restrictions on time and place to move about, as indeed even careers to choose appears as a practical way out.          

Some of us, being believers of the adage ‘prevention is better than cure’ would rather advise women about the danger of turning out in ‘modern outfit’ (inviting lecherous male attention), finding themselves at the ‘wrong time and at wrong place’. Some, if they had their way, would even wish they would not turn out at all without male family members, though how much protection that might offer against a pack of desperate louts and rowdies is anybody’s guess.

 

Some of the more thoughtful among us would rationalize crime against women in terms of a clash between the tradition and the modernity, the inevitable cultural backlash, the male angst in the backdrop of all round female assertiveness and progress that has surfaced as a part of this era of ‘India Growing’ narrative. And of course it might not be too difficult to explain how all manner of religious preachers, godmen, heads of ‘cultural’ organizations, politicians and the policemen have invariably converged as the upholders of the so-called ‘Indian tradition’ against the onslaught of modern tendencies like freedom of speech and freedom of choice, especially by women.

Narendra Dabholkar was felled by the bullets of an assassin on a quiet morning street in Pune. Decades earlier, Safdar Hashmi was clubbed to death on stage during a street play in a village near Delhi. They dared to enlighten people, asked them to wake up and keep the light of reason from being extinguished.  Scores of other social activists, RTI campaigners, green crusaders are routinely assaulted and sometimes put away permanently by hoodlums and hitmen let loose by politicians, builders, promoters and contractors who feel threatened by potential disclosures of their misdeeds through RTI or affected by interventions by Courts. In this long running morality play on the real life stage the real villains manage to have their way most of the time over the dead bodies of the good guys and the rest of us demoralized and fearful for our own lives pass by wearing the cloak of neutrality as if what happened to Hashmi or Dabholkar do not really concern us. And to neutral observers like us what had happened was perhaps as logical or inevitable as the Newton’s laws. 

Getting past the shadows of the past

Lamenting about the loss of a time in the past is generally considered futile and a part of the natural wistfulness of a fogey about to be permanently archived. The values and the culture people were then comfortable with could at best be a historian’s curiosity and is certainly ineligible to provide a relevant perspective to our present-day attitude or demeanour.

In terms of the rapid changes occurring in the recent times in India and even in the neighbouring countries, fifty or hundred years are a long time in the past indeed.  A writer in The Hindu Sunday Magazine section (dt 3^rdAug 2013) first wonders aloud as to why there is hardly any celebration (official government sponsored or otherwise) on the occasion of the birth anniversary of an once famous Hindi short story writer and novelist Munshi Premchand, and then finds the answer in the innate disconnect between the values of the writer and his contemporary readers. On the one hand Premchand appears too rooted in his times and the society (largely that of villages and small towns of India of late nineteenth and early twentieth century) that appeared almost static and immutable. An India that almost seems to be too primitive and remote, hence not of much relevance to today’s ‘shining’ India. The young readers today are certainly far removed from the mileu Premchand described and was concerned with and hence are probably unenthused about his work (many may not have even heard about him). What might have additionally contributed to the quiescence is that he is not uniquely identified with or appropriated by any currently dominant political constituencies like dalits, scheduled castes and tribes or the Muslims or the women, although much of his writings held up a mirror to the caste oppression and the plight and the position of women in the Indian society with unmistakable empathy for the downtrodden.

Ironically, while The Hindu magazine writer entitled his article ‘Cast into the shadows’ referring to the fate of  Premchand, one has the uneasy awareness about the dark shadows of worst forms of cast discrimination being insidiously continued and ingenuously revived in much of the dark hinterland behind the neon shine of the progressive and contemporary India. Undermining of women’s rights and position in society is continuing unabated despite big charades of government-initiated tokenisms perpetuated by power-hungry politicians of all hues. If anything, the humiliation of women have become much more open, brutal and ubiquitous. Are we sure we are getting out of the shadows of our past ?

By a curious coincidence, in another page of the same Sunday Magazine, there was a discussion with Tash Aw the acclaimed Malaysian writer discussing the context of his recent   novel “Five star Billionaire” (that made to the Booker Prize long list), that of Malaysians migrating to Shanghai seeking to change their life, make a fortune, pretty much with the same motivation that drives much of the voluntary migrations within and from the post-colonial Asia. But, Tash makes the point, coming out of the shadows of a stagnant underdevelopment in the native country and embracing the new, the glittering, the desirable, has not always been easy despite valiant and somewhat tragic effort. To quote from his analysis of the problem, “I think that there’s a tendency in many Asian cultures to be very ruthless with the past, both in a national and a personal sense. Partly this is because our recent histories have been difficult narratives to deal with; often involving upheaval, violence and, above all, the lingering and badly-articulated humiliation of having been colonized, or defeated in some sense. So we tend to focus on the shiny new ‘Now’, in which our countries are on an upward curve, certainly in a material sense; the past is at best irrelevant, at worst a bit shameful. Which means that we cut off parts of our narratives and, in so doing, cut off our emotional roots.” According to him Asians in countries like Malaysia, Singapore, China have generally found it difficult to deal with their past in an honest and rational manner with the desired detachment despite pretending to do so. That in some sense is also true about Indians in India and those described to be the diaspora Indians.



Morally ambiguous choices in governing a democracy

Life in India today often presents one with a difficult and morally ambiguous choice. Proscription of illegal and environmentally dangerous sand mining, quarrying etc which is rampant today in many parts of India may be the ‘right’ action on the part of the government, if and when it chooses to do so. But outlawing and putting effective curbs on this pernicious practice might result in two economic consequences. It is known that thousands of trucks are being used in transporting these illegally mined sand to the end users – mainly building contractors – and sizable number of workers are being used for mining as well as for loading, unloading, transporting this commodity. Curbing illegal mining would also mean loss of job for many directly connected these activities.

Secondly, there is a spurt over the last couple of decades in the infrastructure development and other building (residential, commercial) activities, which are directly related to urban prosperity and economic growth in the country. The latter is also responsible for employment generation to some extent, the argument about ‘jobless growth’ notwithstanding. The spectacular rise in the demand of sand is at least partly occasioned by the contractors’ profit motivation which gets its legitimacy within the prevailing dominant capitalist worldview sweeping the country’s corridor of power. Irrespective of whether one agrees with that worldview or not and even if one chooses to say yes to the moral imperative of saving river beds, lands, forests from the predatory and patently illegal mining, it is difficult to ignore the immediate negative impact of curbing the sand mining on the employment, apart from the loss of revenue (in the form of royalty) to the government

This question is symptomatic of much of the current and larger debate in the country : how can the economic development and growth be achieved without letting capital a free hand (or through enabling governmental actions including legislations) in acquiring land (and also forest lands if required), mineral deposits, spectrum for telecommunication and many such resources on its own terms. And how can that be balanced with possible or potential damage to the environment and natural resources, curtailing of rights of the tribal communities, workers and farmers in general.

Can we endanger our natural resources by allowing wanton exploitation in the name of economic development and growth ? The aggressive sand mining in the riverbeds or banks are being held responsible by many experts for changes in direction of the natural course of a river. But the ‘animal spirit’ of the builders of the new India, the ‘growth constituency’, would be dimmed if their voracious appetite for sand is not met at a rate of their choosing. As a result, we are told, there would be no modern roads and expressways connecting our burgeoning cities and towns teeming with little entrepreneurs, the promoters and the contractors of construction projects throughout the length and breadth of urban India. How will, then, the new and massively architectured slick glass-and-concrete office buildings, call centers, back offices and other commercial complexes, shopping malls come up at the rate at which Indian and foreign investors would like it so as to be competitive in the global market ?

A couple of months back, many parts of the state of Uttarakhand were visited by unprecedented rains, cloudburst followed by tear-away flash flood that caused landslides and brought about an avalanche of mud water, boulders, uprooted trees that practically erased many of the ‘Chardham Yatra’ routes and caused death and disappearance of thousands of pilgrims. In the process the flooded rivers also destroyed much of the mushrooming external economy – the hotels, guesthouses, restaurants, shops that have grown not only along the routes, often precariously constructed and perched on slopes or unsound foundations, but sometimes also right inside dried up river beds around the shrines. As watched on television by millions through out the country, these constructions came down like a pack of cards during the deluge in Uttarakhand. In course of the media-led postmortem in the aftermath many well known facts came to be highlighted about utter illegalities, flouting of norms, collusion with local municipal authorities or government administration looking in the other direction apart from sheer ignorance and lack of awareness about the impact of widespread and unregulated building activities in this eco-sensitive region (like causing blockage of the normal flood plains of the rivers like Mandakini).

All these were allowed in the name of growing business activities, prosperity of the locals feeding on the religious tourism. It is undeniable that the tourism in Uttarakhand, especially that related to religious pilgrimage, provide livelihood to a sizable population of the state. In view of the widespread damage to the trekking routes and the infrastructure in and around temple towns this substantial loss of jobs would be definitely an important motivation for reconstruction and reopening of the pilgrimage routes. But like in the case of sand mining, should the livelihood question be posed in a way so that those questioning the laissez fair attitude of the proponents of unregulated construction activities can be disarmed easily ? In some sense this reminds one of the use of Shikhandi, a character in Mahabharata by Pandavas in Kurukshetra war to disarm a major warrior on the side of Kauravas.

You can win a growth vs environment debate in a TV discussion, or be able to cynically maneuver majority in Parliament to ensure the passage of economic legislations like Forest Rights Act or Land Acquisition Bill and others related to Power and Infrastructure Development. But it is the poor, tribals, farmers, migrant labourers and itinerant small service providers and finally common citizens seeking salvation of their souls in gods’ abodes in the Himalaya region who would eventually be at the receiving end as in the above instance, as indeed nearly always, growth or no growth.